The Jewish Underground (Hebrew: המחתרת היהודיתHaMakhteret HaYehudit),[1] or in abbreviated form, simply makhteret,[2] was a radical right-wing fundamentalist organization[3] considered terrorist by Israel,[4][5] formed by prominent members of the Israeli political movement Gush Emunim that existed from 1979 to 1984.[6] Two issues catalyzed the establishment of the underground: One was the signing of the Camp David Accords, which led to the Egypt–Israel peace treaty in 1979, and which the movement, opposed to the peace process, wished to block, viewing it as the first step in the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank. A second element was the settlement project, which, in bringing two distinct ethnic communities into closer proximity, led to an uptick in hostilities that brought about a growing emphasis on the existential threat in both communities.[7] The Jewish Underground developed two operational objectives: One consisted of a plot to blow up the Dome of the Rock, while the other branch concentrated on both avenging acts of Palestinian violence against settlers and of establishing a punitive deterrence.[7] Some understood the terrorist acts as a means of inducing Palestinians to flee their homeland, based on the 1948 and 1967 experience,[1] and parallels are drawn to the Terror Against Terror movement, which had a similar aim.[1] Robert Friedman stated that the Makhteret was "the most violent anti-Arab terrorist organization since the birth of Israel".[2]
Members of the Jewish Underground were eventually rounded up and brought to trial on charges that included violating the 1948 Prevention of Terrorism Decree. The charge of membership in a terrorist organization was dropped against 10 out of the 27 in a plea bargain.[8] Most served short terms, and the ringleaders were pardoned and released in 1990.
^ abcNur Masalha, Imperial Israel and the Palestinians: The Politics of Expansion, Pluto Press, 2000, pp. 123-126. Haggai Segal, who was involved in car bombings of Palestinian mayors and served a prison sentence, stated some years after his release: "You can't make a big roundup and put them on buses, but you must make conditions bad for the Arabs - and if they continue the war (the intifada), you must make them leave. I drove by the American consulate in East Jerusalem yesterday and saw a long line of Arabs waiting to get visas. The situation is very hard for them now, and must get harder" (p. 124, also p. 125.
^ abDavid S. New, Holy War: The Rise of Militant Christian, Jewish and Islamic Fundamentalism, McFarland, 2001, p. 143.
^Ehud Sprinzak, 'The Emergence of the Israeli Radical Right,' Comparative Politics, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Jan., 1989), pp. 171-192.pp.171-172.
^Kim Cragin, Sara A. Daly Women as Terrorists: Mothers, Recruiters, and Martyrs, Praeger International ABC-CLIO, 2009, p. 18.
^Clive Jones, Ami Pedahzur (eds.) Between Terrorism and Civil War: The Al-Aqsa Intifada, Routledge, 2013, p. 11.
^Ian S. Lustick, For the land and the Lord: Jewish fundamentalism in Israel, chapter 3, par. The Gush Emunim Underground. 1988, the Council on Foreign Relations
^ abShmuel Sandler, ‘Religious Zionism and the State:Political Accommodation and Religious Radicalism in Israel,’ in Bruce Maddy-Waitzman, Efraim Inbar, (eds.) Religious Radicalism in the Greater Middle East, Besa Studies in International Security, Routledge 1997, pp. 133-153 p. 144.
^Gal-Or, Noemi. "Tolerating terrorism in Israel", in Noemi Gal-Or, ed. (2015), Terrorism in the West: An International Survey. Routledge, pp. 72ff.
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