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Ideology of the English Defence League information


The Ideology of the English Defence League comprises the beliefs of the English Defence League, a far-right, Islamophobic organisation in the United Kingdom.

Political scientists identified the EDL as existing on the far-right of the left–right political spectrum.[1] Some academics used the terms "right-wing extremism",[2] and "extreme right" to characterise it,[3] while the sociologist Kevin Braouezec described it as one of the "new far-right extremist movements".[4] In various respects, it resembled other far-right groups,[5] particularly those that emerged across Europe in the early 21st century.[6] As noted by Chris Allen, the EDL is nevertheless "not a direct product of the traditional far-right milieu" in Britain,[7] differing from other groups in its willingness to reach out to communities that the far-right historically discriminates against, namely Jews, people of colour, and LGBT people.[5] The criminologists James Treadwell and Jon Garland suggested that the EDL reflected "both a continuation of and a departure from traditional far-right activity",[8] while Paul Jackson—a historian of the far-right—referred to it as part of the "new far right", a movement that presents itself as being more moderate than older far-right groups.[9]

[D]espite its claims to the contrary, there is much prima face evidence to place the EDL on the more radical fringes of the political right. This ranges from its populist, nationalist agenda; to its condemnation of leftwing figures on its various blogs and websites; to its strong associations with the US Tea Party movement; to its support for international far right figures, such as Geert Wilders. Moreover[…], key EDL figures, such as Steven Yaxley‐Lennon and Kevin Carroll, have historic links with the British National Party (BNP). Finally[…], extreme right‐wing movements, such as the Aryan Strike Force, have found the EDL a useful host organisation.

— Historian of the far right Paul Jackson[10]

Ideologically, the EDL was not wholly clear; it had no specific policies, goals, or manifesto, and no intellectual vanguard to lead it.[11]The political scientist Julian Richards suggested that one of the reasons that the EDL should be categorised as far-right was because of how many of its members acted, in contrast to what the group officially stated in its public pronouncements.[12] He observed that "There is no doubt that a considerable number of people with basic Far Right sentiments, including a general dislike of foreigners and ethnic minorities and a sympathy for Nazi movements and ideas can be found in and around the EDL."[12] From its early days, members of far-right political parties like the NF and BNP attended the EDL's demonstrations,[13] while a 2011 survey found that more EDL members intended to vote BNP than for any other party.[14] Although concurring that the EDL was ideologically far-right, the political scientists George Kassimeris and Leonie Jackson cautioned against blurring "the official ideology" of the EDL with the views of its supporters.[15]

The EDL disavows the label "far-right",[16] as do many other groups within the "counter-jihad" movement.[17] On its website, the EDL described itself as "non-political, taking no position on right-wing vs. left-wing. We welcome members from all over the political spectrum, and with varying views on foreign policy, united against Islamic extremism and its influence on British life."[18] Its online material nevertheless often condemns left-wingers,[10] and members regularly complain about "stupid lefties" who disagree with the EDL's views.[19] When examining the EDL's public statements, Jackson cautioned against automatically taking them at face value; as he noted, far-right groups typically present "front stage" messages for public consumption which conceal more aggressive views that are expressed in private.[20]

The EDL has also been characterised as being populist in ideology because of its claims to represent "ordinary people" against the liberal elites which it accuses of controlling the country.[21] Research suggests that many EDL supporters bore more hatred for mainstream politicians than for Muslims.[22] After her fieldwork with the group, the ethnographer Hilary Pilkington suggested that rather than referring to them as "far right", the EDL would be better classified as being part of the "populist radical right", a term earlier developed by the political scientist Cas Mudde.[23] Based on their research among EDL members, Simon Winlow, Steve Hall and James Treadwell argued that the EDL should also be seen "unequivocally, [as] a working-class political movement" due to the makeup of its membership.[24] In addition, they observed that it was "a fringe political group cut adrift from mainstream politics".[25]

  1. ^ Allen 2011, p. 294; Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 623; Richards 2013, p. 178; Brindle 2016, p. 444.
  2. ^ Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  3. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 445.
  4. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 237.
  5. ^ a b Allen 2011, p. 294.
  6. ^ Richards 2013, pp. 178–179.
  7. ^ Allen 2011, p. 293.
  8. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 623.
  9. ^ Jackson 2011, pp. 5, 8.
  10. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 7.
  11. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 184.
  12. ^ a b Richards 2013, p. 191.
  13. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 12.
  14. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, pp. 5, 21–22.
  15. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 175.
  16. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 7; Richards 2013, p. 189.
  17. ^ Aked 2017, p. 174.
  18. ^ Richards 2013, p. 185.
  19. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 117.
  20. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 11.
  21. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 3; Jackson 2011, p. 7; Brindle 2016, p. 445; Pilkington 2016, p. 4.
  22. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 109.
  23. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 1.
  24. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 9.
  25. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 6.

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