Global InformationApollonis of Cyzicus information
Apollonis (Greek Ἀπολλωνίς Apollōnís) was the wife of Attalus I, the first ruler of Pergamon (now Bergama, Turkey). The dates of her birth and death are unclear; scholars estimate that she was born around 240 BCE.,[1] while estimating her death as any time between 175 and 159 BCE.[2] Apollonis outlived her husband, who was approximately 30 years older than her,[1] by many years.[3]
Born in Cyzicus (an independent city-state) to an elite/rich[4] but plebeian (demotes;[3] δημότις[5]) family, Apollonis married Attalus around 223 BCE.[5] The lack of noble blood was likely not an area of contention, considering the Attalids’ own plebeian/commoner origins.[6] She was given the title of basilissa (Βασίλισσα)[7] upon her marriage,[8] recognizing her newfound status and reinforcing the prestige and legitimacy of the Attalid dynasty.[9]
Apollonis gave birth to four sons (in order: Eumenes 222/1, Attalus, Philetairos and Athenaios). She was praised for this “exemplary” fertility and her motherhood was thereafter stressed as a fundamental part of her identity,[10] as family virtues were for the whole of the Attalid dynasty. Upon the death of Attalus I in 197 BCE, she remained an influential part of the household in her widowhood, as she was the only woman of authority for many years and saw to her relatively-young sons’[11] education. The brothers were recognised as the sons of not only Attalus I, but Apollonis as well, in the letters, decrees, and inscriptions of allied cities throughout the kingdom,[12] in a departure from the normal patriarchal Hellenistic tradition.
Her main project in life was the expansion of the Sanctuary to Demeter at Pergamon, which was likely made in honour of the birth of her sons[13] and expanded upon the smaller original[14] by Attalus’ ancestor, Philetairos[15] through her own dowry funds.[16][17] She immortalizes herself by including her name on the inscription on the entrance, a prominent place that all visitors would see, which reads: “Queen Apollonis dedicates these stoas and these structures as a thank-offering to Demeter and Kore Thesmophoros.[18]” In financing a place where primarily large amounts of women would gather,[19] she would create a strong sense of gratitude and loyalty towards herself.[20]
- ^ a b Van Looy, Herman (1976). "Apollonis Reine de Pergame". Ancient Society. 7: 153.
- ^ OGIS 248 lines 56–7 indicates she was still alive in 175. Bielman 2003 and Van Looy 1976 both agree with the range of 175-159. Müller and Wörrle 2002 date an inscription to 168-64 describing her as ‘thea,’ putting the latest date, according to Mirón 2018a:41, at 164 BCE. Mirón further argues for this date based on an inscription at Andros dated to 166 mentioning her under her “living” title of “basilissai.”
- ^ a b Polybius (1922). The Histories. Translated by Paton, William R. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 443–445.
- ^ Zanon 2009 argues against the idea that she was a “simple girl from Kyzikos” like Kosmetatou 2003:168 had done, citing her financing of the Demeter sanctuary at Pergamon as evidence of a wealthy paternal household. Van Looy 1976:151, Bielman 2003:48 and Ballestrazzi 2017:129 also describe her as a “fille de riches bourgeois,” “riches mais dépourvus de lignage prestigieux,” and “borghesia cizicena,” respectively.
- ^ a b Ballestrazzi, Chiara (2017). "Gli Stylopinakia e il tempio della regina Apollonide di Cizico. Una revisione letteraria e archeologica del terzo libro dell'Anthologia Palatina". Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica. 145 (1): 129. doi:10.1484/J.RFIC.5.123424.
- ^ The first in the dynasty, Philetairos, was from a “non-noble family” who “seized independent power, though under the Seleukid sphere of influence, in the modest site of Pergamon and the surrounding territory” (Mirón 2020:210). The dynasty was unorthodox beyond its lack of Macedonian nobility; before Attalus I and Apollonis, power was transferred from uncle to nephew (Zanon 2009:143). Furthermore, the mothers of these prior Attalids also had “a geographical and social background far different from that of the Macedonian noble women who usually served as influential Hellenistic royal women” (Mirón 2020:210), but were no less important to collective memory on account of their birthing of kings, as evidenced by the preservation of their names in prominent inscriptions, temples, etc.
- ^ Exact translation of this term is debated (c.f. Mirón 2020, Carney 2011); it is the female counterpart of the male basileus (βασιλεύς) which means “king.” Basilissa is often translated as “queen” as a result, but can refer to any royal woman (i.e. princess, sister, royal concubine, etc.).
- ^ Polybe V 43.4; Justin XXIV 3.1 (cf. Van Looy 1976:163); Kearsley 2005:98-9 argues against the title being seen as a “gift” of power, stating: “...the titles of a female are frequently said to have accrued only because she shared office with a male relative. The plausibility of such a view is undermined by the frequent reliance on sources which emanate from a variety of cultural traditions outside Asia Minor. Account must be taken of differences now recognised to exist between specific regions within the empire or, indeed, between individual cities within a single region such as Asia Minor.”
- ^ Bielman 2003:51-2 writes: “...il indique que l'on ne naissait pas reine, mais qu'on le devenait par l'union avec un roi. [...] De toute façon, le titre conférait à celles qui le portaient une véritable dimension publique, même s'il ne signifiait pas (en tout cas pas immédiatement) une extension des pouvoirs effectifs des reines : l'attribution du titre royal à l'épouse d'un roi servait prioritairement les intérêts de ce dernier en renforçant son prestige et en légitimant la descendance issue du couple royal.”
- ^ Mirón 2020:212 writes: “Consequently, Apollonis was a successful queen who fulfilled her fundamental mission of ensuring the easy transmission of royal power by providing the dynasty with heirs. But she would also become a model of motherhood in the context of Greek ideology, where having male offspring was the vital goal of every free woman. This fruitful motherhood would have been significant both in terms of her prestige within the royal family and in the construction of her public image. At the same time, it elevated the whole dynasty and its self-representation as a paradigm of family virtues.” She continues on 215: “There were fertile royal mothers in other dynasties, like Laodike III, but even when their status as mothers was present in their public image, motherhood did not play the central role observable for Apollonis, nor was affection between mother and children so highly emphasized.”
- ^ Eumenes was 25 and Attalus was 18; Philetairos and Athenaios were thus even younger, Athénaios born at the latest in 215 BCE (Van Looy 1976:155-6).
- ^ IIasos 6 honours her as some form of benefactress in 182 BCE: “...since king Eumenes, the son of king Attalos and queen Apollonis, who is, like his ancestors, a friend and well-wisher and benefactor of the people…” ; FD_3.3.40 in 182 BCE also recognises her alongside her children but interestingly not her late husband (likely due to his deification by this point): “...therefore it is resolved by the Aetolians to praise king Eumenes and his brothers Attalos, Philetairos and Athenaios and their mother queen [Apollonis] and the people of Pergamon, for their piety towards the gods…” ; IvO_312 in 174 BCE: “The people of Athens dedicated this statue of Philetairos of Athens, the son of king Attalos and queen Apollonis, who is their benefactor.” ; ClaraRhod_2.172 in 184 BCE: “...given the good things that have occurred, the priests and priestesses shall open all the temples and pray that victory and power should be given to king Eumenes both by land and sea in the future too, 20 and also to his mother queen Apollonis and his brothers…”
- ^ Zanon 2009:141-3 argues convincingly for this early building date, citing that the “thanksgiving” inscription to a mother-goddess in celebration of “a gift that ensured the continuation of the Attalid dynasty and promised prosperity to the kingdom as a whole” would be appropriate “at Pergamon where there had been difficulty securing the line of succession,” and “if the renovation was carried out at a later date, when her sons were grown, Apollonis would likely not have given it as a thank-offering but, perhaps, in memory of her late husband or as a gift to the city of Pergamon. Conversely, her sons might then also have dedicated the buildings in her honor, as Philetairos I and Eumenes I did a generation earlier or as Eumenes II and Attalos II themselves did at Cyzicus,” thus establishing it being done in her lifetime.
- ^ She added an additional courtyard and seating area that could hold approximately 800-850 people, along with several stoas, altars, a larger and more elaborate entrance (propylon), bathing basins, additional rooms for storage or the preparation of offerings, and a terrace connected to subterranean rooms (megara) which were likely for the secret performance of the thesmophoria ritual.
- ^ The original inscription sets a precedent for the site and the Attalids as a whole: “Philetairos and Eumenes dedicate [this] to Demeter on behalf of their mother Boas.” Thus, in honouring the mother, you further the honour of the family as a whole.
- ^ Etienne, Roland (1992). "Autels et sacrifices". In Schachter, Ariela (ed.). Le Sanctuaire grec. Geneva: Fondation Hardt. p. 297.
- ^ Another reference to her origin at Cyzicus is the choice of deities at the sanctuary, suggesting that she imported the cult of Kore (the chief deity of her birthplace) (Zanon 2009:141), alongside decorative elements that do not have a precedent in the area (Van Looy 1976:155)
- ^ Zanon 2009:139 writes: “Apollonis’ dedication in the Demeter Sanctuary was also not a unique case of female architectural patronage; on the contrary, this kind of participation in public life and generosity toward the city was likely expected of a woman of her status.”
- ^ As a gathering space for women and young girls to undergo the thesmophoria (a type of secret rite-of-passage for girls to learn “how” to express emotions in a patriarchal society and celebrate fertility of the earth and motherhood—aspects essential for the “peaceful” continuance of Greek society), Apollonis likely would become a form of adoptive or symbolic mother, with the ritual highlighting importance practices of motherhood (the pain of giving birth, loving a child, grieving a child, etc.). Thus, whilst she had no biological daughters, she would be associated with this mother-daughter practice and thus influence the social lives of the participants. The citizens of her kingdom would thus come to a conclusion of her presence in their lives as a “queen-mother,” whether you are a man living vicariously through her born-sons, or a woman living vicariously through her religious-daughters. Her eventual cultification as a mother goddess would then cement this idea. Gautier 1985:74-5 and Carney 2011 both note that queens served as a role model for the female population.
- ^ The sanctuary is a political project, foremost. She creates a space by women, for women, trusting that her own fame and reputation is great enough to preserve her own individual legacy, rather than that of the family as a whole. Merely mentioning her title (basilissa) is enough to establish her status and social importance.