Anocracy, or semi-democracy,[1] is a form of government that is loosely defined as part democracy and part dictatorship,[2][3] or as a "regime that mixes democratic with autocratic features".[3] Another definition classifies anocracy as "a regime that permits some means of participation through opposition group behavior but that has incomplete development of mechanisms to redress grievances."[4][5] The term "semi-democratic" is reserved for stable regimes that combine democratic and authoritarian elements.[6][7] Scholars distinguish anocracies from autocracies and democracies in their capability to maintain authority, political dynamics, and policy agendas.[8] Similarly, the regimes have democratic institutions that allow for nominal amounts of competition.[2] Such regimes are particularly susceptible to outbreaks of armed conflict and unexpected or adverse changes in leadership.[9]
The operational definition of anocracy is extensively used by scholars Monty G. Marshall and Benjamin R. Cole at the Center for Systemic Peace,[10] which gained most of its dissemination through the polity data series. The data set aims to measure democracy in different states and retains anocracy as one of its classification methods for regime type.[11] Consequently, anocracy frequently appears in democratization literature that utilizes the polity-data set.[12]
Unlike traditional democracy, semi-democratic regimes, also known as hybrid regimes, are known for having guided democracy instead of liberal democracy. Semi-dictatorial regimes have dictatorial powers with some democratic values, and despite being authoritarian, have elections. In a closed anocracy, competitors are drawn from the elite. In an open anocracy, others also compete.[9] The number of anocratic regimes has steadily increased over time, with the most notable jump occurring after the end of the Cold War.[9] From 1989 to 2013, the number of anocracies increased from 30 to 53.[13]
^Quigley, Carroll (1983). Weapons systems and political stability: a history. University Press of America. p. 307. ISBN 978-0-8191-2947-5. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
^ abCite error: The named reference GandhiVreeland2008 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
^ abFearon, James; Laitan, David (February 2003). "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War". American Political Science Review. 97: 75–90. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000534. S2CID 8303905.
^Cite error: The named reference ReganBell2010 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
^Benson, Michelle; Kugler, Jackek (April 1998). "Power Parity, Democracy, and Severity of Internal Violence". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 42 (2): 196–209. doi:10.1177/0022002798042002004. S2CID 143823486.
^Montesquieu. "2–3". Spirit of the Laws. Vol. II.
^Everdell, William R. (2000-04-15). The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-22482-4.
^Marshall, Monty G.; Gurr, Ted Robert (2003). Peace and conflict 2003: A global survey of armed conflicts, self-determination movements, and democracy (PDF) (Report). College Park: Center for International Development and Conflict Management, University of Maryland.
^ abcMarshall, Monty G.; Cole, Benjamin R. (23 July 2014). "Global Report 2014 - Conflict, Governance, and State Fragility" (PDF). Center for Systemic Peace.
^Seawright, Jason; Collier, David (2014). "Rival Strategies of Validation: Tools for Evaluating Measure of Democracy". Comparative Political Studies. 47 (1): 111–138. doi:10.1177/0010414013489098. S2CID 14026291.
^Cite error: The named reference Polity4 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
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