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Peronism,[a] also known as justicialism,[b] is a labour[1] and left-leaning[2] Argentine political movement based on the ideas and legacy of Argentine ruler Juan Perón (1895–1974).[3] It has been an influential movement in 20th- and 21st-century Argentine politics.[3] Since 1946, Peronists have won 10 out of the 14 presidential elections in which they have been allowed to run.[4]
Ideologically populist,[3] Peronism is widely considered to be a variant of left-wing populism,[5] although some have described it as a Latin American form of fascism instead.[6][7][8] Others have criticized these descriptions as too one-dimensional, as Peronism also includes many variants, including Kirchnerism[9][10][11][12] and revolutionary Peronism[13][14] on the left, and Federal Peronism[15][16][17][18] and Orthodox Peronism[19][20][21][22] on the right. Peronism is described as socialist by some political scientists,[23][24][25][26] while other scholars evaluate Peronism as a paternalistic conservative ideology,[27] with a mixture of militant labourism and traditional conservatism.[28] However, proponents of Peronism see it as socially progressive.[29] The main Peronist party is the Justicialist Party,[4] whose policies have significantly varied over time and across government administrations,[4] but have generally been described as "a vague blend of nationalism and labourism",[4] or populism.[3][30]
Perón became Argentina's labour secretary after participating in the 1943 military coup and was elected president of Argentina in 1946.[3][31] He introduced social programs that benefited the working class,[32] supported labor unions and called for additional involvement of the state in the economy.[3] In addition, he supported industrialists in an effort to facilitate harmony between labor and capital.[4] Perón was very popular due to his leadership, and gained even more admiration through his wife Eva, who championed for the rights of migrant workers, the poor, and women, whose suffrage is partially due to Eva's involvement, until her death by cancer in 1952.[33] Due to economic problems and political repression, the military overthrew Perón[34] and banned the Justicialist Party in 1955;[34] it was not until 1973 that open elections were held again in which Perón was re-elected president by 62%.[3] Perón died in the following year, opening the way for his widow and vice president Isabel to succeed the presidency.[3]
Perón's death left an intense power vacuum and the military promptly overthrew Isabel in 1976.[3] Since the return to democracy in 1983, Peronist candidates have usually dominated general elections. Carlos Menem was elected in 1989 and served for two consecutive terms, until 1999. Menem moved the party to centre-right, with a focus on the privatization of state run enterprises,[4] the adoption of free-market policies[3] and establishing friendly international relations with the United States.[4] After the anti-Peronist De La Rúa administration (1999-2001) collapsed, four interim Peronist leaders took over between 2001 and 2003 due to political turmoil during the Argentine Great Depression. After coming to power in the 2003 Argentine general election, center-left Peronist Néstor Kirchner restructured the Justicialist platform in a manner aimed to "[return] the Peronist Justice Party to its traditional center-left stance following a long detour to center-right neoliberalism under Carlos Menem",[35] and advanced social democratic interpretations of Peronism. Kirchner served for only one term, while his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, served two (having been elected in 2007 and re-elected in 2011), and from 2019 until 2023 was the vice president with Alberto Fernández as president,[3] until the election of right-wing libertarian Javier Milei in the 2023 Argentine presidential election. As of 2023, Peronists have held the presidency in Argentina for 28 total years.
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This process of assimilation and developing class consciousness took place under the hegemony of Peronism, an essentially nationalist labourist ideology.
Of all the varieties of populism, it is well known that Peronism is unique because of its large and strong trade union component.
Beyond these specific considerations, Peron's opening of the movement's structures to the leftist currents reflected his more permanent concern for the dominant influence labour had imposed on the movement since its creation; already in 1946 this had moved him to grant an unjustifiably large representation in its structures to the dissident Radicals.
Peronism within the Peron/anti-Peron dichotomy that dominated the political and social context was per se leftist, anti-establishment and revolutionary, and loyalty to its exiled and vilified leader often seemed enough of a definition of a political strategy.
Perhaps the most famous left-wing populist general was the Argentinian Juan Perón, who became the face of socialist populism (Calvo, 2021; Gillespie, 2019).
This priority for elitist order became a recurrent anthem on the right, from Venezuelan Simon Bolívar in the 1820s, to Chilean Diego Portales in the 1830s, to Argentines Juan Bautista Alberdi and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento in the 1850s, to Uruguayan José Enrique Rodó in the 1900s, to Chilean Augusto Pinochet and his plans in the 1980s for a democracy constrained by authoritarian features. By contrast, popular democracy became a lasting refrain on the left from Mexican Miguel Hidalgo in the 1810s, to the Mexican revolutionaries in the 1910s, to Peruvian Victor Raul Haya de la orre in the 1930s, to the Guatemalan revolutionaries and Argentine Juan Perón and Venezuelan Romulo Betancourt in the 1940s, to the National Revolutionary Movement in Bolivia in the 1950s, to Cuban Fidel Castro in the 1960s, to Chilean Salvador Allende and the Nicaraguan Sandinistas in the 1970s, to Peruvian Alan Garcia in the 1980s, to Venezuelan Hugo Chávez and Bolivian Evo Morales and Ecuadorean Rafael Correa in the 2000s. hey placed a greater emphasis on mass mobilization dedicated to social equality.
Juan Perón ruled Argentina as president from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974. He led "an anti-elitist movement that opposed the landowner oligarchy and established institutions" (Filc 2011, 228f). (...) With a view to the economy, he stressed social justice (Eatwell 2017a, Rooduijn 2014, Tamarin 1982), "railed against the idle and exploitative rich" (Eatwell 2017a, 375) and against "the local oligarchy, the foreign investors, and their political representatives" (Barbieri 2015). In his discourse the "main distinction between the people and the elite was of socioeconomic status" (Barbieri 2015, 217). He is therefore coded as left-wing populist.
We find no direct link between mass immigration and the rise of Peronism in Argentina. Even though immigrants were a crucial factor in Argentina's social and economic development, the rise of Perón and left-of-center populism resulted from politics unrelated to immigrants' presence. (...) Perón, not the preceding military governments, pushed government spending beyond its sustainable levels in a typical left-populist fashion (Dornbusch and Edwards, 1990).
Actually, the terms "Nasserism" and "Peronism" are interchangeable when applied to the younger generation of left-wing officers in Latin America.
Until the Cuban Revolution, Communist parties had shared the Latin American left's political stage with another broad political current that today partially retains its importance. The national-popular sectors that embody this movement trace their origins back to Latin America's so-called "populist" tradition that surfaced in the 1930s. Peron in Argentina, Cardenas in Mexico, Vargas in Brazil, Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra in Ecuador, Haya de la Torre's APRA in Peru, and, up to a point, Victor Paz Estenssoro's Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario in Bolivia often continue to be central historical reference points for many contemporary political movements. These movements' original leaders, together with the historical periods of collective consciousness and popular enfranchisement, are symbols of an era and a certain idea of modernity in Latin America: the inclusion of the excluded.
Regardless, Peronism is universally agreed upon to be a left wing populism which tends towards the authoritarian, especially during the latter half of Perón's first presidency. Unlike the right wing ideologies of Mussolini and Franco, Peronism relied heavily on unions and the working class.
In the case of Menem, this is particularly interesting because of his affiliation to Peronism, a left-wing political movement that originates in the politics of Perón (Grimson, 2019).
The nationalist, or popular left, which included such figures as Juan Domingo Perón (in Argentina), Getulio Vargas (in Brazil) and Lázaro Cárdenas (in Mexico).
Perón and Peronismo (Peronism) therefore represented a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military.
These writers also argue that twenty-first-century Latin American leftist governments, like Peronism in the 1940s, were doomed to failure since the success of their defiance of powerful actors was contingent on the indefinite duration of favorable international markets for their nations' exports.
Regardless, Peronism is universally agreed upon to be a left wing populism which tends towards the authoritarian, especially during the latter half of Perón's first presidency. Unlike the right wing ideologies of Mussolini and Franco, Peronism relied heavily on unions and the working class.
Speaking to thousands of supporters in a packed soccer stadium, Mrs. Kirchner stumped for the candidates who will represent her left-wing coalition, the FPV, in October's vote.
One way to approach the problem might be to order the exist- ing interpretations of Peronism into a three-tiered scheme that would group two competing schools of interpretation linked to Peronism's own internal debate (that is, alternative interpretations coming from within the movement's ranks) with a third, an exogenous perspective. The latter corresponds to the thesis that Peronism is a variant of fascism, with all the negative connotations that such a categorization implies. The former two do not present such a one-dimensional interpretation, as within each there is found a polemic, alternately recriminatory and approbative, sustained among Peronist, conservative, and socialist authors. These are the interpretations that on the one hand revolve around the concept of populism (at times National Populism), and on the other those interpretations that can be categorized as a form of Socialism (at times National Socialism), with revolutionary implications.
Consequently, Peron settled for the term "justicialism." The odds clearly favored his Christian and humanist version of socialism.
progressivism
was invoked but never defined (see the help page).