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Law and Justice
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
AbbreviationPiS
ChairmanJarosław Kaczyński
FoundersLech Kaczyński[1]
Jarosław Kaczyński
Founded13 June 2001; 22 years ago (2001-06-13)
Split from
  • Solidarity Electoral Action
  • Centre Agreement
Headquartersul. Nowogrodzka [pl] 84/86, 02-018 Warsaw
Youth wingLaw and Justice Youth Forum
MembershipIncrease 48,000 (2023 est.)[2]
Ideology
  • National conservatism
  • Right-wing populism
  • Euroscepticism
Political positionRight-wing
National affiliationUnited Right
European affiliationEuropean Conservatives and Reformists Party
European Parliament groupEuropean Conservatives and Reformists
Colours  Blue   White   Red[3]
Seats in the Sejm
163 / 460
Seats in the Senate
29 / 100
Seats in the European Parliament
23 / 52
Regional assemblies
239 / 552
Voivodes
0 / 16
Voivodeship Marshals
6 / 16
City Presidents
4 / 107
Mayors
52 / 906
Wójts
145 / 1,463
Powiat Councils
2,080 / 6,170
Gmina Councils
3,069 / 39,416
Website
www.pis.org.pl
  • Politics of Poland
  • Political parties
  • Elections

Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [ˈpravɔ i ˌspravjɛˈdlivɔɕt͡ɕ] , PiS) is a right-wing populist and national-conservative political party in Poland. Its chairman is Jarosław Kaczyński.

It was founded in 2001 by Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński as a direct successor of the Centre Agreement after it split from the Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS). It won the 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections, after which Lech became the president of Poland. It headed a parliamentary coalition with the League of Polish Families and Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland between 2005 and the 2007 election. It placed second and they remained in the parliamentary opposition until 2015. It regained the presidency in the 2015 election, and later won a majority of seats in the parliamentary election. They retained the positions following the 2019 and 2020 election, but lost their majority following the 2023 Polish parliamentary election.

During its foundation, it sought to position itself as a centrist Christian democratic party, although shortly after, it adopted more culturally and socially conservative views and began their shift to the right. Under Kaczyński's national-conservative and law and order agenda, PiS embraced economic interventionism.[4][5][6][7][8] It has also pursued close relations with the Catholic Church, although in 2011, the Catholic-nationalist faction split off to form United Poland.[9] During the 2010s, it also adopted right-wing populist positions. After regaining power, PiS gained popularity with transfer payments to families with children.[10]

It is a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists,[11] and on national-level, it heads the United Right coalition. It currently holds 189 seats in the Sejm and 34 in the Senate.

It has attracted widespread international criticism and domestic protest movements for allegedly dismantling liberal-democratic checks and balances.[12][improper synthesis?]

  1. ^ "Historia PiS". e-sochaczew.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 11 November 2023.
  2. ^ Drabik, Piotr (1 June 2023). "PiS nie jest największą partią w Polsce. "Liczy się tylko kartel czterech"". Radio ZET (in Polish). Drugie miejsce należy do Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, które przez 22 lata istnienia mocno ugruntowało się także w terenie. Sekretarz generalny partii Krzysztof Sobolewski przekazał nam, że ugrupowanie rządzące ma ok. 48 tys. członków. - Najwięcej w województwie mazowieckim - dodał. Na pytanie, jak liczebność PiS zmieniła się w ostatnich trzech latach, odpowiedział tylko: - Znacząco wzrosła. [Second place belongs to Law and Justice, which has also become firmly established on the ground over its 22 years of existence. The party's general secretary Krzysztof Sobolewski told us that the ruling grouping has around 48,000 members. - The largest number in the Mazowieckie Voivodeship," he added. When asked how the size of PiS had changed in the last three years, he replied only: - It has increased significantly.]
  3. ^ Fijołek, Marcin (2012). "Republikańska symbolika w logotypie partii politycznej Prawo i Sprawiedliwość". Ekonomia I Nauki Humanistyczne (19): 9–17. doi:10.7862/rz.2012.einh.23.
  4. ^ "Premier o PiS. "Myśl socjalistyczna również jest dla nas ważna"". Wirtualna Polska (in Polish). 21 July 2019. Retrieved 6 June 2023.
  5. ^ Turczyn, Andrzej (22 July 2019). "Mateusz Morawiecki: robotnicza myśl socjalistyczna jest głęboko obecna w filozofii Prawa i Sprawiedliwości". Trybun Broni Palnej (in Polish). Retrieved 24 June 2023.
  6. ^ Szeląg, Wojciech (24 May 2021). "Marek Goliszewski, prezes BCC: Polski Ład wystraszył nawet tych, którzy wspierają PiS". Interia (in Polish). Retrieved 24 June 2023.
  7. ^ Kołakowska, Agnieszka (9 October 2019). "In defense of Poland's ruling party". Politico. Archived from the original on 9 October 2019. Retrieved 24 June 2023.
  8. ^ Orenstein, Mitchell (4 July 2018). "Populism with socialist characteristics". The Jordan Times. Archived from the original on 4 July 2018. Retrieved 24 June 2023.
  9. ^ Bale, Tim; Szczerbiak, Aleks (December 2006). "Why is there no Christian Democracy in Poland (and why does this matter)?". SEI Working Paper (91). Sussex European Institute. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  10. ^ Santora, Marc (14 October 2019). "In Poland, Nationalism With a Progressive Touch Wins Voters (Published 2019)". The New York Times. Retrieved 20 October 2020.
  11. ^ Nordsieck, Wolfram (5 June 2019). Parties and Elections in Europe: Parliamentary Elections and Governments since 1945, European Parliament Elections, Political Orientation and History of Parties. BoD – Books on Demand. ISBN 9783732292509.
  12. ^ Licia Cianetti; James Dawson; Seán Hanley (2018). "Rethinking "democratic backsliding" in Central and Eastern Europe – looking beyond Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 34 (3): 243–256. doi:10.1080/21599165.2018.1491401. Over the past decade, a scholarly consensus has emerged that that democracy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is deteriorating, a trend often subsumed under the label 'backsliding'. ... the new dynamics of backsliding are best illustrated by the one-time democratic front-runners Hungary and Poland.</ref/>
    • Piotrowski, Grzegorz (2020). "Civil Society in Illiberal Democracy: The Case of Poland". Politologický časopis – Czech Journal of Political Science. XXVII (2): 196–214. doi:10.5817/PC2020-2-196. ISSN 1211-3247. S2CID 226544116.
    • Sata, Robert; Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel (2020). "Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland". East European Politics. 36 (2): 206–225. doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1703694. hdl:20.500.14018/13975. S2CID 213911605.
    • Drinóczi, Tímea; Bień-Kacała, Agnieszka (2019). "Illiberal Constitutionalism: The Case of Hungary and Poland". German Law Journal. 20 (8): 1140–1166. doi:10.1017/glj.2019.83.
    Authoritarianism or dictatorship:
    • Ágh, Attila (2019). Declining Democracy in East-Central Europe: The Divide in the EU and Emerging Hard Populism. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-1-78897-473-8.
    • Sadurski, Wojciech (2019). "Illiberal Democracy or Populist Authoritarianism?". Poland's Constitutional Breakdown. Oxford University Press. pp. 242–266. doi:10.1093/oso/9780198840503.003.0009. ISBN 978-0-19-884050-3.
    • Lendvai-Bainton, Noemi; Szelewa, Dorota (2020). "Governing new authoritarianism: Populism, nationalism and radical welfare reforms in Hungary and Poland". Social Policy & Administration. 55 (4): 559–572. doi:10.1111/spol.12642.
    • Fomina, Joanna; Kucharczyk, Jacek (2016). "Populism and Protest in Poland". Journal of Democracy. 27 (4): 58–68. doi:10.1353/jod.2016.0062. S2CID 152254870. The 2015 victory of Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party is an example of the rise of contemporary authoritarian populism... the PiS gained a parliamentary absolute majority; it has since drawn on this majority to dismantle democratic checks and balances. The PiS's policies have led to intensifying xenophobia, aggressive nationalism, and unprecedented polarisation that have engendered deep splits within Polish society and have given rise to social protest movements not seen in Poland since 1989.
    • Markowski, Radoslaw (2019). "Creating Authoritarian Clientelism: Poland After 2015". Hague Journal on the Rule of Law. 11 (1): 111–132. doi:10.1007/s40803-018-0082-5. ISSN 1876-4053. S2CID 158160832.
    Both:
    • Surowiec, Paweł; Štětka, Václav (2020). "Introduction: media and illiberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe". East European Politics. 36 (1): 1–8. doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1692822. S2CID 212988926.

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