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Internment of Japanese Americans information


Incarceration of Japanese Americans
Part of the history of Asian Americans and United States home front during World War II
Internment of Japanese Americans
Internment of Japanese Americans
Internment of Japanese Americans
Internment of Japanese Americans
Internment of Japanese Americans
Internment of Japanese Americans
Clockwise from top left:
  • Boarding a train in Woodland, California
  • Granada Relocation Center in Colorado
  • Harvesting spinach at Gila River
  • Adults in class at Manzanar
  • Ice skating at Heart Mountain
  • Making camouflage nets for the War Department
DateFebruary 19, 1942 – March 20, 1946
LocationWestern United States[1]
CauseExecutive Order 9066 signed by Franklin D. Roosevelt
Motive
  • Anti-Japanese racism[2]
  • Hysteria[2] following the attack on Pearl Harbor and the Niihau incident
PerpetratorUnited States federal government
Outcome
  • Partial financial compensation for lost property under the Japanese-American Claims Act of 1948 signed by Harry Truman
  • Formal apology and financial reparations given to surviving victims under the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 signed by Ronald Reagan
DeathsAt least 1,862;[3] at least 7 homicides by sentries[4]
InquiriesCommission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (1983)
Prisoners120,000 Japanese Americans living on the West Coast
Supreme Court cases
  • Hirabayashi v. United States
  • Yasui v. United States
  • Korematsu v. United States
  • Ex parte Endo

During World War II, the United States, by order of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, forcibly relocated and incarcerated at least 125,284 people of Japanese descent in 75 identified incarceration sites. Most lived on the Pacific Coast, in concentration camps in the western interior of the country. Approximately two-thirds of the inmates were United States citizens. These actions were initiated by Executive Order 9066 following Imperial Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor. Like many Americans at the time, the architects of the removal policy failed to distinguish between Japanese immigrants and Japanese Americans (who were legal citizens). Of the 127,000 Japanese Americans who were living in the continental United States at the time of the Pearl Harbor attack, 112,000 resided on the West Coast. About 80,000 were Nisei (literal translation: 'second generation'; American-born Japanese with U.S. citizenship) and Sansei ('third generation', the children of Nisei). The rest were Issei ('first generation') immigrants born in Japan who were ineligible for U.S. citizenship under U.S. law.

Japanese Americans were placed in concentration camps based on local population concentrations and regional politics. More than 112,000 Japanese Americans who were living on the West Coast were incarcerated in camps which were located in its interior. In Hawaii (which was under martial law), where more than 150,000 Japanese Americans comprised over one-third of the territory's population, only 1,200 to 1,800 were incarcerated. California defined anyone with 116th or more Japanese lineage as a person who should be incarcerated. A key member of the Western Defense Command, Colonel Karl Bendetsen, went so far as to say “I am determined that if they have "one drop of Japanese blood in them, they must go to camp."[5] The United States Census Bureau assisted the incarceration efforts by providing specific individual census data on Japanese Americans. The Bureau denied its role for decades despite scholarly evidence to the contrary, and its role became more widely acknowledged by 2007. In its 1944 decision Korematsu v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the removals under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution. The Court limited its decision to the validity of the exclusion orders, avoiding the issue of the incarceration of U.S. citizens without due process, but ruled on the same day in Ex parte Endo that a loyal citizen could not be detained, which began their release. The day before the Korematsu and Endo rulings were made public, the exclusion orders were rescinded. Japanese Americans were initially barred from military service, but by 1943, they were allowed to join, with 20,000 serving during the war. Over 4,000 students were allowed to leave the camps to attend college. Hospitals in the camps recorded 5,981 births and 1,862 deaths during incarceration. At the time, Japanese incarceration was intended to mitigate a security risk which Japanese Americans were believed to pose. The scale of the incarceration in proportion to the size of the Japanese American population far surpassed similar measures undertaken against German and Italian Americans who numbered in the millions and of whom some thousands were interned, most of these non-citizens.

In the two months after the Pearl Harbor attack, there was little indication of a public groundswell for incarceration. A survey of the Office of Facts and Figures on February 4 (two weeks prior to the president's order) reported that a majority of Americans expressed satisfaction with existing governmental controls on Japanese Americans. Moreover, in his autobiography in 1962, Attorney General Francis Biddle, who opposed incarceration, downplayed the influence of public opinion in prompting the president's decision. He even considered it doubtful "whether, political and special group press aside, public opinion even on the West Coast supported evacuation."[6] Support for harsher measures toward Japanese Americans increased over time, however, in part since Roosevelt did little to use his office to calm attitudes. According to a March 1942 poll conducted by the American Institute of Public Opinion, after incarceration was becoming inevitable, 93% of Americans supported the relocation of Japanese non-citizens from the Pacific Coast while only 1% opposed it. According to the same poll, 59% supported the relocation of Japanese people who were born in the country and were United States citizens, while 25% opposed it.

In the 1970s, under mounting pressure from the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL) and redress organizations, President Jimmy Carter opened an investigation to determine whether the decision to put Japanese Americans into concentration camps had been justified by the government. He appointed the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (CWRIC) to investigate the camps. In 1983, the Commission's report, Personal Justice Denied, found little evidence of Japanese disloyalty at the time and concluded that the incarceration had been the product of racism. It recommended that the government pay reparations to the detainees. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan signed into law the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 which officially apologized for the incarceration on behalf of the U.S. government and authorized a payment of $20,000 (equivalent to $52,000 in 2023) to each former detainee who was still alive when the act was passed. The legislation admitted that government actions were based on "race prejudice, war hysteria, and a failure of political leadership." By 1992, the U.S. government eventually disbursed more than $1.6 billion (equivalent to $4.12 billion in 2023) in reparations to 82,219 Japanese Americans who had been incarcerated.

  1. ^ National Park Service (2012). Wyatt, Barbara (ed.). "Japanese Americans in World War II: National historic landmarks theme study" (PDF). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 13, 2015. Retrieved February 22, 2017.
  2. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference CongressReport was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  3. ^ Cite error: The named reference Fiset was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  4. ^ Cite error: The named reference homicideincamp was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  5. ^ Werner, Emmy E (2001). Through The Eyes Of Innocents: Children Witness World War II. p. 85. ISBN 978-0813338682.
  6. ^ Beito, David T. (2023). The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights: The Untold Story of FDR's Concentration Camps, Censorship, and Mass Surveillance (First ed.). Oakland: Independent Institute. p. 172. ISBN 978-1598133561.

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